scrim

1900-1914

The Rationalisation of the Body.

Part 3. Norms and standardisation: fashion show as parade

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abstract

Dans cet extrait du chapitre 2 de « The Mechanical Smile », l’historienne de la mode Caroline Evans présente l’évolution des défilés de mode entre 1880 et 1929, mettant en lumière des figures pionnières telles que Jean Patou. Patou inaugure sa première maison de couture, Parry, en 1912. Le lancement inédit, au Théâtre Femina, combine défilé et débat ; les créations sont présentées dans une mise en scène inspirée des défilés militaires, mettant en avant la standardisation de la silhouette féminine. Le couturier introduit des dispositifs novateurs, comme le miroir à trois faces, permettant aux clientes d’observer les vêtements sous divers angles. Malgré les difficultés rencontrées lors de la Première Guerre mondiale, Patou parvient à relancer sa marque, avec une esthétique inspirée des tendances américaines, attirant un public international. Inspirées par le mouvement d’émancipation féminine, le sport, la danse et l’art moderne, ses créations résonnent avec les costumes avant-gardistes de Léon Bakst pour les Ballets russes ou l’esthétique moderniste de figures comme Duchamp et Delaunay. Les lignes épurées de ses collections préfigurent la mode fonctionnelle des années 1920. Texte proposé par Mathieu Buard

Caroline EVANS. “1900-1914. The Rationalisation of the Body”, Ch. 2, in The Mechanical Smile: Modernism and the First Fashion Shows in France and America, 1900-1929. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013, p. 29-55. Published with the kind permission of the author and the publisher.

For Problemata, the editorial team chose to publish Caroline Evans’ text into 4 parts, for which we propose specific subtitles.

See also: Part 1. The birth of the fashion business shows 

Part 2. Lucile and Poiret: fashion shows as a promotional medium

Part 4. Last tango with fashion

Parry: The fashion line-up and motion capture

Early in 1912 Jean Patou opened his first couture house, Parry, at 4 Rond-Point des Champs-Élysées, specializing in leather and fur. To launch the business, he organized an afternoon event at the Théâtre Femina which included a debate on fashion and a fashion show that were covered by Femina magazine. Fig. 1 The page layout, like that of another collage, Fig. 2 used a composite photograph to re-create a line of mannequins, an increasingly common type of layout in fashion and theatre magazines. Further examples Fig. 3 show the Rue de la Paix mannequins depicted like a chain of paper dolls; the composite photograph (see Fig. 4) ranges them in a shallow V and re-uses three actresses twice as if they were modular; Doucet mannequins appear in a line; and a 1912 spread on the latest fashions in sleeves uses the same format. Fig. 5 Yet it also takes its imagery from the theatrical chorus line. A Femina cover of 1914 Fig. 6 shows identical chorus girls styled like the New Woman, dressed in a modern and masculine working wardrobe: a dark blue and white uniform. Increasingly, after 1910, the gap narrowed between the fashion line-up and the chorus line, with its rows of anonymous and identical-looking girls. ‘All Individuality Eliminated’ reads the subtitle of an American article on the chorus line in 1913, describing how twenty-four girls, “having at last been chosen and the 7 contracts signed, the stage-manager at once starts to crush out any and all of the personal characteristics any of the twenty-four may possess and to develop them into mere reflections of each other.”1 Each must move in perfect synchronicity with the others, down to the wink of an eye. Working in sets of eight, they are not even identified individually on show programmes—unlike model dresses, “chorus girls haven’t even got numbers.”2

Besides their link to the chorus line, these images of mannequin line-ups that picture the fashion show have a visual connection to another kind of défilé, the military parade, also intended to eradicate traces of individualism, which was captured in the techniques of chronophotography. Marey’s assistant from 1881 to 1893 was Georges Demeny, one of the principal promoters of physical education in French schools and in the army.3 Some of Marey’s images of walking men were of Demeny himself while others were of soldiers filmed at the École militaire at Joinville, the training center for military athletes and gymnasts outside Paris.4 In 1913, ‘the Marey apparatus for analyzing movement’ which could ‘divide a given movement into half a dozen parts’ was still being used to record military gymnastics at Joinville.5 Fig. 7 The image shows a single body in motion, using multiple pictures to map the movements of one individual in space and simultaneous time. Representations of fashion modelling in the same period (see Fig. 2, Fig. 3 and Fig. 5Fig. 6) were analogous to these images of military gymnastics. Both reveal common concerns about how to capture the image of the body in motion; in addition, they suggest commonalities between the ostensibly different bodily disciplines of fashion modelling and military parading that have nineteenth-century precedents, as the French historian Georges Vigarello suggested in his history of the pedagogy of bodily gesture and comportment, where he noted the similarities between the bodily stances required by early nineteenth-century military gymnastics and those of fashion.6 These equivalent modes of regulation and display of the body bring the military parade and the fashion parade (both défilés) into proximity: they are two parallel manifestations of the standardized body in work and popular culture respectively.

A similar multiplication of body images was produced in the three-faced mirrors that became ubiquitous early in the twentieth century, giving women three simultaneous views of themselves from different angles. In an advertisement for a three-faced mirror from 1912, Fig. 8 the figure appears to have stepped out of the central panel and come alive, turning from a representation into a real woman and gazing speculatively at the viewer with her finger on her chin. Although the styling of both the mirror and the fashion is modernist, the visual tradition of a woman who steps out of a picture frame (more usually carved gilt) comes from the nineteenth-century tableau vivant and was used again in more than one twentieth-century fashion show. This particular advertisement features Parry’s design first shown in Femina six months earlier, where the dress was shown in motion on a mannequin who walks forward in a fluid modelling pose, one hand on her hip, the other gesturing in the air (see Fig. 1). Her costume is ahead of its time: tubular, drop-waisted, loose and adaptable for walking, it anticipates the modernist, functionalist designs of the 1920s by a decade. It is used to illustrate the second of two schools of fashion, according to Parry, the first being an eighteenth-century one and the second a svelte, neo-classical one—Parry’s choice—that prefigured Patou’s streamlined modernism of the 1920s.7

In 1913 a Seventh Avenue buyer, Mr Lichtenstein, bought the entire Parry collection and in March 1914 Patou made the decision to open under his own name.8 With an initial capital of 300,000 francs and a staff of three hundred, he planned to open his premises at 7 rue Saint-Florentin with a fashion show for the buyers on 1 August 1914. In the event, war was declared, Patou volunteered and had to report at Nancy, leaving the collection to be shown in his absence on 2 August. Although the firm remained open in his absence throughout the war,9 it ran at a loss and it was only when he reopened on 1 March 1919 after the Armistice that he made a successful comeback.10 From the start, Patou’s modernist aesthetic appealed to American buyers; American business methods in turn appealed to Patou after the war. In the 1920s his innovations in showing fashion brought movement, modernity and mechanization together on the catwalk; his pre-war innovations at Parry suggest, however, that these had their origins in the 1910s.

The body in time and space

If the standardization of the body in the pre-war fashion show echoed the serial imagery of the chorus line, it was also similar to imagery that explored the visualization of movement in the fields of work, art and sport. The visual imagery of work was explored from 1912 onwards by the American production engineer Frank B. Gilbreth, whose diagrammatic studies visualized the work processes of laborers such as bricklayers; they were the predecessor of time and motion studies intended to effect economies of labor in the workplace. Gilbreth’s interest in efficiency links him to the work of F. W. Taylor, whose Scientific Management of the Workplace, first published in 1911, investigated ways of rationalizing the workplace by regulating the movements of the workers. Sigfried Giedion described Gilbreth as the inheritor of Marey because of the way that Gilbreth’s images began “to capture with full precision the complicated trajectory of human movement… that made visible the elements as well as the path of human motion.”11

In art, a number of artists began to picture time and motion in ways similar to the visual patterns of the fashion show and chorus line, such as Marcel Duchamp’s ‘Cubo-Futurist’ Nude Descending a Staircase, painted in 1912, influenced by Marey and exhibited in both Paris and New York at a time when images and descriptions of fashion shows were proliferating in illustrated magazines.12

The same year, Robert Delaunay exhibited La Ville de Paris. (Fig. 8) His elongated women have the slenderness and poise of fashion mannequins; he layers tradition and novelty in his fractured and simultaneous portrait of the city of Paris, long associated with French fashion and its icons, the Eiffel Tower, the Seine and the alluring Parisienne.13

Delaunay’s modernist Three Graces suggest the triple reflections of the period, created in the three-faced mirrors that were popular in both domestic homes and in couture houses.14 Fig. 9 At Paquin’s, each of the identical fitting rooms with glass and white wooden doors contained a large three-faced mirror in which the client could inspect herself from all points of view, in bright electric light.15 The multiple viewpoints of the triple mirrors drew on the tradition of nineteenth-century fashion illustrations that showed three views of the same dress.16 There had even briefly been a fashion periodical, La Stéréoscope, which supplied its readers with special glasses to read its double images three-dimensionally.17 Yet, the novelty of the three-faced mirror was that it contained the possibility of multiple viewpoints, many more than three, as the two side-wings could be endlessly re-adjusted by the viewer to provide an all-round view of the figure. Popular at exactly the same time that Georges Braque and Pablo Picasso were producing their cubist paintings of objects seen from multiple viewpoints (1907-14), triple mirrors enabled a kind of interiorized cubist vision that put self-image center stage, a form of montage whereby the viewer could reconcile the three or more images in her or his head into a single, unified body image.

This capacity of the three-faced mirror to grant multiple images of the self is diagrammatically illustrated in an advertisement of 1909. Fig. 10 On the right is a realistic drawing of the woman in situ before the triple mirror: the left-hand drawing unspools the simultaneous views of her body in three-dimensional space and lays them out from left to right in consecutive two-dimensional viewpoints, captioned ‘front’, ‘three quarters’, ‘profile’, ‘back’ and so forth. The visual effect of the run of images is to suggest a cinematic flow of movement caught in a series of frozen poses of the kind recorded by Marey, Muybridge and Gilbreth. From 1910 onwards, representations of dynamic, simultaneous movement appeared not just in Duchamp’s Nude Descending a Staircase and in the work of Robert Delaunay, but also in that of Sonia Delaunay and the Italian Futurists, particularly Gino Severini, who was in Paris at the same time. Images like this advertisement give a mainstream context to these artists’ experiments with simultaneity. They show that cubist and ‘simultaneous’ ways of seeing were a feature of everyday bourgeois culture at the same time as, even prior to, the avant-garde’s formal investigations of time, space and the image.

Further evidence of the popular taste for such effects is provided by an illustration of ‘a curious photographic procedure’ in a French fashion magazine of 1912. Fig. 11The image shows one woman from the back and four reflections. These simultaneous views of the same woman are created by a mirrored ‘corner’ where two mirrors set at an angle to each other create the illusion of five identical individuals in conversation. This type of photograph, called a multiphotograph, was ‘invented’ in the 1890s and remained popular over several decades. Popular journals like Scientific American and, in France, La Nature, explained in diagrams how the effect was achieved. Fig. 12 The angle between the mirrors determines the number of figures produced: a 90-degree angle produces three images, a 72-degree angle four images, a 60-degree angle five images, a 45-degree angle seven images “and, if the mirrors are parallel [as they were in the mirrored dressing rooms and salons of the couture houses], theoretically, an infinite number of images will result”.18 Multiphotographs were enjoyed by such august and diverse figures as Condé Nast, the owner and publisher of Vogue, who had his picture taken in an Atlantic City photographic booth,19 and Duchamp who had his taken in a Broadway booth in New York.20

Exactly the same visual games continued to be played in the fashion imagery of the 1920s, so a 1925 advertisement Fig. 13, for example, takes the multiple viewpoints of the triple mirror and rearranges them like a mannequin line-up of the pre-war years. Couture-house decor also produced the illusion of film strips of women in motion by installing mirrored fitting-room doors that reflected them as they passed. At Maison Lenief the fitting rooms had concertina, pull-out mirrored doorways that could be arranged to form a line or a little box, with unbleached linen curtains attached. At Drecoll the fitting-room doors were inset with thin, vertical strips of mirror (Fig. 14 and Fig. 15) so that people walking down the corridor came in and out of vision like pictures in a zoetrope, the nineteenth-century precursor of cinema’s moving images—yet more evidence that the imagery and styling of the modernist body of the 1920s had its origins in the pre-war years.

The early 1910s also saw the increasing participation of women in sport and dance, which produced new representations of the female body in motion. In 1913 Léon Bakst designed the costumes for the Ballets Russes’s ballet Les Jeux, set in a future 1925, with music by Claude Debussy.21 Bakst claimed that he tried to express the idea of the future in his costumes for the ballet’s three tennis players: “‘What is the characteristic of the age?’ This I asked myself before sitting down to evolve my costume. I came to the conclusion that it was sportiveness… And now the costume that I have imagined is based on woman’s desire for freedom of movement.”22 The same year, in an article on fashionable strolling in the Bois de Boulogne, L’Illustration commented that the fashionable young ladies who promenaded there were becoming more ‘troubling’ not only because of their allure but also because now that they were involved in sports they knew how to walk better: “the young woman of today walks straight, with ease and resolution, a young person who knows where she is going and what she wants.”23

This image of modern femininity was played out in Bakst’s most startling costume for Les Jeux, knee-length skirts for two female tennis players, executed by Paquin.24 Femina and L’Illustration routinely showed pictures of sporting gestures alongside fashion ones, in which women leapt, stretched and ran, such as that of August 1912 Fig. 16 which breaks down the gestures of the tennis champion in photographs that both borrow from Marey and parallel the visual experiments of artists at the time. A reader leafing through the magazine might, at the turn of a single page, move from the contemplation of Lucile’s London stage to images from the 1912 Summer Olympics in Stockholm (the Games of the fifth Olympiad) and then on to an article on social dancing.25

In the early 1910s, the dance craze26 gave rise to many articles in the same periodicals on how to do the new dances, such as one from Femina Fig. 17 that shows the movement and sequence of key steps in film-like images down the side of the page. The same curiosity was extended to modern dance such as the Ballets Russes’s works by the stage magazine Comoedia illustré, which often showed sequences of movements from contemporary ballet performances, such as the dancer Natacha Trouhanova’s ‘dance of Salomé’ represented by six frozen-motion poses.27 In this period, writes Sarah Woodcock, “Choreographers and designers began to cross boundaries. Choreographers studied art to learn the significance of gesture, pose and grouping, while designers learned to watch movement.”28 The fashion images of the illustrated weeklies also showed the neo-classical poses of the dancer Isadora Duncan and her disciples and, although the dance costumes are frequently widely different from contemporary fashion plates, the poses can be strikingly similar.29 Duncan deplored popular dance but her barefoot performance in 1907 may have been the inspiration for Madeleine Vionnet later that year when, employed at Doucet, she sent mannequins out to model in their bare feet.

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Theses

SAFER, Samantha Erin. Promotion Queen: Lucile, Lady Duff Gordon. MA diss., Victoria and Albert Museum/Royal College of Arts, 2007.

STEELE, Victoria. The Fashion Stages of Lucile, Lady Duff Gordon. PhD Diss., University of Southern California, 2000.

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